The recent
scandal involving top politicians from the ruling party, Civic Platform, had a potential to
uproot its popular support and grant victory in the next elections to its
opponents. But a way of defusing the affair may be shown as an textbook example
of solving political crises.
Let us
start from the beginning. After the 2005 elections the triumphant Law and Justice established a new governmental agency – Central Anticorruption
Bureau (Centralne Biuro Korupcyjne – CBA) – in order to pursue one of the most
explicit goals of party agenda. As the PiS chairman and mastermind Jaroslaw
Kaczynski proclaimed, Polish politics and economy has been dominated by the
so-called uklad (“deal”) – vast network
of informal and illegal connections with mafia and corrupt security agencies which
hindered the national development. CBA, led by staunch anti-Communist Mariusz
Kaminski, started to fight with that ephemeral notion, gaining controversial
and rather mixed results. Nonetheless,
after the new elections in 2007 and victory of more liberal Civic Platform the
new prime minister Donald Tusk decided to retain Kaminski at his post, feeling
his zeal would discipline other politicians from his party, who could potentially hinder
Tusk’s support and dream about the presidency. The Bureau kept a rather low
profile in the last years, being occupied mainly with arresting fraudulent
football players and referees.
Logo of CBA
The dubious
activities of CBA under the Law and Justice government came however under judicial scrutiny as one of
local prosecutor offices decided to file charges against Kaminski for his
actions regarding minor coalition parties of that time. Just when the Bureau’s
director was to be charged with misuse of powers and interrogated by the
prosecutor, the right-wing paper Rzeczpospolita
which has been sympathizing with Kaczynski for several years printed
recordings from another CBA’s operation, this time related with the so-called
gambling bill. The proposed novelization of the law regulating gambling
business in Poland, lobbied for by entrepreneurs from that industry, could, according
to the Bureau, seriously hurt Polish public finances. And the published records
proved without a shadow of doubt those businessmen convinced to lobby in their
name some politicians from the core of ruling party: chairman of the Civic Platform parliamentary caucus Zbigniew Chlebowski and minister of sport Miroslaw
Drzewiecki.
What is more, conversation between them suggested that eminence grise of the government, the
immensely powerful deputy PM Grzegorz Schetyna might also be involved. The media
and the opposition had a feast unknown in years. The first for a long time
scandal involving top ruling policymakers encouraged their political opponents
and pundits to cast serious doubts on the future of the government and the
ruling party itself. Tusk and Schetyna disappeared from the public view.
Chlebowski and Drzewiecki tried to defend themselves on their own but those
attempts were disastrous. Both the left- and the right-wing opposition called
for formation of special parliamentary committee which would clarify the matter
and bash Civiv Platform from all its might. Civic Platform was initially seen as unable to react
quickly. But the time has proven that approach was right.
Donald Tusk, the prime minister of Poland. Author: Sebastian Zwez. Lic. Creative Commons Attribution Deutschland 3.0
After some
time taken for reflection Tusk did not hesitate to act decisively and cut big
names from his surroundings. Chlebowski and Drzewiecki, still reassuring about
their clean intentions, submitted their resignations. As the situation
progressed, the PM reacted accordingly. Deputy minister of economy Adam
Szejnfeld, who was most likely also interested in changing the bill, was as
well asked to leave, despite attempts of his superior Waldemar Pawlak. The same
fate met minister of justice Andrzej Czuma whose unconditional support for
Drzewiecki and Chlebowski cast doubts about the impartiality of judicial system
in solving the case. Last but not least, Tusk decided to finally fire Kaminski
who, while being interrogated by the prosecutor, in his uncompromising stance publicly
accused the prime minister of paralyzing the Bureau’s activities.
By these
decisions Tusk achieved everything he
could. Firstly, he placated the public by giving what it demanded – punishment for
those involved. Secondly, quick pace of decisions reinforced the image of a man
who is not afraid of taking dramatic decisions if necessary and protected him
from all the stain that can come out in the next weeks or months. Thirdly, by simultaneously
dismissing Kaminski, Tusk could present him as the source of all evil, which
promptly he did.
But the
true example of political mastery is resolving the situation of Schetyna. Tusk’s
closest accomplice was indeed removed from government but under completely different
conditions than that of Chlebowski or Czuma. Schetyna, officially proclaimed by
Tusk to be clean, is to replace Chlebowski as the chief of caucus and supervise
the establishment of special committee, which is for now also supported by Civic Platform.
This solution does not diminish Schetyna’s status (after all he is a man who
does not need formal position to have power) and allows the party to gain control of a
tool which otherwise would be used against it. The committee won’t be able to force
Tusk or Schetyna to testify when the latter will be its chairman and its
activities will most likely end with the conclusion Drzewiecki and Chlebowski
acted alone.
Changes in
government also require new names to replace the old ones and also in this
context Tusk showed real political cleverness, considering Wlodzimierz
Cimoszewicz as the replacement for Czuma. Inclusion of Cimoszewicz, well-known,
very experienced and popular left-wing
politician in the government would boost its ratings and in the same time helped
the PM to pacify perhaps his most serious rival in the 2010 presidential
elections. If this affair did not stop Tusk on his way to the Presidential
Palace, nothing will.
Maciej Jozefowicz
